Skeletal embodiment and the boundaries of interpretation
Gary M. Heathcode, Vincent P. Diego, Hajime Ishida, and Vincent J. Sava
This chapter focuses on a protohistoric Chamorro (Chamoru) man referred to as Taotao Tagga' (a man of Tagga', Tinian), situating him within his culture, society, and historical period. Chamorros are the indigenous people of the Mariana Islands, an archipelago in the western Pacific that consists of two polities today, the unincorporated U.S. territory of Guam (Guahan) and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), which includes the island of Tinian (figure 4.1). We present and evaluate evidence suggesting that Taotao Tagga' and a considerable proportion of (mostly) male compatriots possessed great musculoskeletal strength, especially of the upper body, which lends credence to claims of extraordinary strength that appear in Chamorro legends and in the chronicles of early European visitors to the Marianas. In discussion of the skeleton, we focus on two kinds of muscle use/hypertrophy indicators:
posterior cranial superstructures and an index of humeral robusticity. Regarding motor behavioral and kinesiologic reconstruction, we probe the boundaries of osteobiographical interpretation (Saul and Saul 1989), attempting to infer what we can about the muscular strength and related activity patterns of Taotao Tagga' (and fellow ancestral Chamorros) without crossing over the line of cautious interpretation.
Since 2002, forensic artist Sharon Long's facial reconstruction of this man (figure 4.2) has been featured at the CNMI Museum of History and Culture in Saipan. The reconstruction was modeled on a cast of his skull and does not portray the serious facial injury he sustained as a younger man (see below). He lived into his fifth or sixth decade, probably during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. His remains were interred at a former village along the southwest coast of Tinian, now known as the Taga (Tagga') site, in association with a latte house (guma' latte) situated close to the House of Taga. Latte houses consisted of A-frame superstructures of wood and thatch built atop megalithic
foundation columns (haligi) with capstones (tasa). The House of Taga (listed on the National Register of Historic Places) is the largest completed latte structure in the Marianas (figure 4.3). The megalithic foundation is approximately 21 x 64.3 feet across, consisting of two rows of six limestone haligi and tasa that stood 16 feet above the ground and weighed approximately 14 tons each (Morgan 1988: 133-34). Taotao Tagga"s place of burial, labeled Latte 28-5-24 by archaeologist Hans Hornbostel (1924) and later as Latte 17 (Spoehr 1957: 87), may also have been his home and his place of work. This latte house was second in size to the House of Taga (Morgan 1988: 133) and was spatially and contextually unique among the 16 other latte structures at the site, being aligned axially with only the House of Taga. Its size and location closest to the sea suggest a special significance of this guma' latte within the community of its time, and that those buried there were individuals of societal distinction.
A relatively common theme in Chamorro legends is that ancestors-usually Maga'lahi siha (chiefs)-possessed great strength and carried out astounding physical feats (Thompson 1947: 31). Folkloric themes of culture heroes with extraordinary strength are widespread throughout Oceania and elsewhere (Knapper 1995; Flood et al. 1999; Taonui 2006), but Chamorro legends are about more than the strong chiefs of old. They are about the ever-present embodied spirits of these ancestral culture heroes. Despite generations of condemnation by church officials, Chamorros maintain beliefs about the active role of ancestral spirits in their daily lives (Thompson 1946; Mitchell 1986).
A recent review of Marianas folklore, legends, and literature (Torres 2003) includes a section on the "Legends of Strength" motif, which focuses on the legendary chiefs and supernatural "before time ancestors" known as taotaomo'na. Frequent themes include gigantism, bravery, physical prowess, and great strength (Mitchell 1986). Taotaomo'na are a class of embodied ancestral spirits that are often, but not always (Cunningham 1992: 104), gigantic headless men of
Figure 4.3. The last remaining upright haligi and tasa from the latte set
Foundation of the House of Taga on Tinian (Marianas Islands).
superhuman strength who were formerly chiefs of various districts (Thompson 1945: 22; Nelson and Nelson 1992: 41). In the Guam legend of Chief Masala and the Tinian legend of Chief Taga, both are "strong and boisterous chiefs of enormous size, able to perform gargantuan feats. Each could build a huge latte house with the massive stones. Each had a precociously strong son" (Torres 2003: 11). In the story of Masala, his son's strength (uprooting a large coconut tree at age three) proved so threatening to him that he tried to kill the boy who, fearing for his life, leaped from the northernmost tip of Guam (named Puntan Patgon, or Child's Point), across more than 40 miles of ocean, to the island of Rota (Luta).
Today in the Marianas, representations of (mostly male, but sometimes female) Chamorro strength abound on T-shirts, automotive window decals, and airbrushed paintings on pickup trucks depicting iconic ancestral Chamorros. Recent projects by indigenous artists reflect a spectrum of imaginings about or connections with their ancestors through spiritual communion (Flores 1999). These include portrait series of Chamorro archetypes with faces that emanate intelligence, dignity, and fearlessness, and scenes of ancient village life in which men's physical strength is portrayed as ancillary to communal virtues including the practice and mastery of traditional skills such as stone working, house building, seafaring, and food procurement.
Early European chroniclers of the people of Remote Oceania were practically unanimous in describing various Pacific Islander groups as "tall, muscular and well-proportioned" (Houghton 1996: 31). The early historical record regarding Mariana Islanders has multiple references to their stature, robust bodies, muscularity, pleasing body proportions, and great strength. One of the more interesting historical accounts is attributed to Fr. Martin Ignacio de Loyola, a Franciscan priest aboard the Espiritu Santo during a late-sixteenth-century Acapulco-to-Manila stopover on Guam (Levesque 2002: 385):
They are as tall as giants, and of such great strength that it has actually happened that one of them, while sitting on the ground, got hold of two Spaniards of good stature, seizing each of them by one foot with his hands, and lifting them thus as easily as if they were two children. (de Loyola 1581, in Levesque 1992: Document 158lB)
Accounts of Chamorro physical appearance (e.g., Driver 1988; Levesque 1990-96) from the early European contact period (A.D. 1521-1700) lend credibility to de Loyola's tale of Chamorro brawn, for European scribes universally described Chamorros (probably young and middle adult males) as possessing great strength. In 14 chronicles that explicitly mention strength, verdicts ranged from "they appear strong" to "among the strongest (indios) ... yet discovered in either the Orient or the Occident" (York 2001: 6, ll). Regardless of the extent of exaggeration, the unanimity of multiple and independent testimonials about the great strength of Chamorros is compelling.
Virtually all of the historical accounts mentioning stature claim that the Chamorros were somewhat to much taller than their beholders, with descriptions ranging from "as tall as we" to "very tall" to the presumably exaggerated "gigantic" (York 2001: 4-7, 17-18). Assertions oflarge stature are substantiated in estimates based on long bones of prehistoric Chamorros, but those of gigantism appear to be hyperbolic. Given that these scribes encountered different regional populations in the Mariana Islands, some of the interobserver variation might reflect geographically patterned phenotypic variation, but we suggest that, when not purposefully exaggerated, most perceptions of giant Chamorros were due to eye-level differentials of the beholders relative to the observed.
Taotao Tagga"s stature is estimated at 176.6±l.57 cm (5 feet 9.5 inches) based on the length of his right femur and utilizing a regression formula for Polynesian Maori (Houghton et al. 1975). This places him near the upper range of variation for 33 prehistoric Chamorro males from nine Marianas archaeological sites whose average height is estimated at 173.l cm (around 5 feet 8 inches) (Pietrusewsky et al. 1997). By the global standards of half a century ago, this falls within a commonly used classification range defining "tall" (170-179 cm) populations (Comas 1960: 315). Chamorro females were also tall by these standards. Pietrusewsky et al. (1997) reported a mean stature of l61.3 cm (5 feet 3.5 inches) for 33 archaeologically recovered Mariana Islanders, which falls at the low end of the "tall" range of female global variation (159-167 cm) (Comas 1960: 315).
To test the proposition that chroniclers who described early contact Chamorros as "tall" had it correct, while those who wrote of "giants" may have been diminutive themselves, appropriate comparative data were sought. The eyewitness chroniclers were mostly Spaniards from commercial sailing vessels, but the ships' crews included men of several different nationalities. These newcomers were doubtless of differing statures, but it is likely that most of them did not "measure up" to most of the Chamorros they encountered. Anthropometric data on Spaniards and other Europeans from the early contact era are limited. A study of Spanish Catalonian males from a ninth-to sixteenth -century burial ground reported the mean stature (based on femur length) as 166.2 em (around 5 feet 5 inches) (Vives in Hernandez et al. 1998: 549). The best comparative data are from records of European soldiers from Hungary, France, Bohemia, and Saxony who were born between 1735 and 1739 (Komlos and Cinnirella 2005). These studies report mean heights ranging from 164.6 to 167.4 em (ca. 5 feet 5 inches to 5 feet 6 inches), indicating that the nearly contemporary European soldiers were, on average, at least two inches shorter than Chamorros (table 4.1).
A significant minority of Latte period and Early Historic Chamorro males exhibit cranial superstructures at certain muscle attachment sites on the back of the skull. We contend that these remarkable features are part of a suite of skeletal features related to upper body strength in Chamorros (Heathcote et al. in press; Heathcote et al. n.d.). The superstructures include: tubercles on the occipital torus (TOT); retromastoid processes (PR); and tubercles in the posterior supramastoid region (TSP (figure 4.4). Collectively, they are referred to as occipital superstructures (OSS). Morphologically, OSS range from swellings or crests on the bone, to tubercles, to larger tuberosities and processes. They can be scored on a 5-point scale: a score of 0 indicates incipient or no expression, 1 indicates slight expression, 2 denotes moderate expression, and scores of 3 or 4 indicate markedly developed superstructures (Heathcode et al. 1996).
As shown in figure 4.4, TOT develop where the upper trapezius muscles originate, while TSP and PR are associated with insertions of the sternocleidomastoid and superior oblique muscles, respectively. We think that the development of these uperstructures is triggered by strenuous repetitive muscle use, probably starting at a young age, in genetically predisposed individuals. More
formally, our model posits that morphogenesis and continued development of OSS are the interactive outcome of a genetically underpinned, chronic activity induced multifactorial process, as follows: (1) predisposition for damage at en thesis sites in people with subclinical collagen abnormalities interacts with (2) chronic microtraumata from strenuous muscular overuse beginning at an early age, leading to (3) exuberant reactive or reparative processes, resulting in strong OSS developments (Heathcote et al. n.d.)
All three OSS, in all degrees of development, are far more common on crania of Pacific Islanders and aboriginal people of Australia and New Guinea than in other populations. Among Pacific Islanders, a significant minority of Chamorro males have moderate to extremely strong expressions for all three sets of superstructures. Surveys of male crania (n = 101-8) from the three largest Mariana Islands-Guam, Saipan, and Tinian -found markedly developed (and frequently co-occurring) TOT, PR, and TSP, on 29.7 percent, 39.4 percent, and 20.8 percent of the crania, respectively. Pronounced OSS are not unknown in Chamorro females, but they are rare, with markedly expressed TOT, PR, and TSP occurring, respectively, in 2.3 percent, 0 percent, and 1.2 percent of females from the largest Mariana Islands (n = 83-87) (Heathcote et al. n.d.).
In the context of fellow Chamorros, Taotao Tagga' is one of the more robustly developed individuals; his OSS vary in expression from moderate TSP to extremely marked PR and TOT (figure 4.5). While the actions of muscles associated with OSS are known, as is the case with the more commonly studied musculoskeletal stress markers (MSM) of the appendicular skeleton (e.g., Hawkey and Merbs 1995; Steen and Lane 1998), the extent to which extrapolations of specific activities can be made from markings on bone is a contentious issue (Merbs 1983; Kennedy 1989; Stirland 1991; Waldron 1994; Pearson and Buikstra 2006). While recent MSM studies have advanced the praxis of behavioral interpretation by looking very carefully at specific kinds of tool use and subsistence activities (Eshed et aL 2004; Molnar 2006), as well as the effects of body size and/or age on MSM development (Zumwalt et al. 2000; Weiss 2007), interpretive difficulties are not obviated even in the best-designed studies.
In attempting any behavioral interpretation from muscle markings on bone, a first principle is that muscles do not operate in isolation, but rather as synergistic groups (Stirland 1998). But even when (more appropriately) considering muscles within functional complex units, we are mindful that different activities utilize similar muscle groups (Bridges 1995; Peterson 2000). As a result, many activities probably do not produce bony signatures that are sufficiently distinctive to relate them to specific activities. The exceptions to this may be in the skeletons of individuals who were long-term specialists at certain tasks
within their societies (Peterson 2000: 45, 47). We propose that activities of long duration, involved in the construction of latte house foundations, left a bony record in the OSS that developed on the posterior crania of (mostly) Chamorro men who specialized in the quarrying, dressing, transportation, and emplacement of latte stones and their capstones. The work activities outlined in table 4.2, together with attendant actions of OSS-associated muscles, render our occupational proposal a feasible hypothesis.
If marked developments of OSS represent part of a more widespread muscle overuse syndrome related to megalithic stone work, then we also expect other changes to the skeletons of Taotao Tagga' and his peers, such as activity-related infracranial MSM changes (bone overgrowth and remodeling at tendon and ligament attachment sites), geometric changes to long bones, degenerative arthritis, and spinal injuries (Larsen 1997; Kniisel 2000). Taotao Tagga"s vertebrae were not included in the museum collection, but physical stress-related injuries like Schmorl's nodes, vertebral compression fractures, and spondylolysis have indeed been found in individuals from Tonga with strongly expressed
OSS (Sava 1996). Arriaza (1997) did not examine vertebral injury-OSS covariation, but has presented evidence of high frequencies of spondylolysis in late prehistoric Guam Chamorros, and-like us-suggested an etiological relationship to megalithic construction activities. Arthritic and remodeling changes to Taotao Tagga"s long bones are dramatic and are consistent with an upper body muscle overuse and heavy weight-bearing syndrome (Heathcote et al. in press). Strongly reactive MSM changes are found on his clavicles (origin site of pectoralis major and the insertion site of the costoclavicular ligament), humeri (deltoideus insertion site), ulnae (triceps brachii insertion site), and radii (biceps brachii insertion site) (Heathcote 2006).
Taotao Tagga"s lower limbs are generally robust and bear MSM changes, but they were not as markedly remodeled as his upper limbs. Changes in his hip joint include buildup of new bone at the fovea capitis on both femoral heads, which may be related to heavy weight bearing (Heathcote 2006). Both of his knees show evidence of the essentially traumatic activity-related changes of Osgood-Schlatter's disease: jagged spurs on the proximal tibial tuberosities where the patellar ligaments insert (Heathcote 2006). This condition likely reflects partial separation of the ligaments when Taotao Tagga' was a youth, and is common today among young athletes who strain this ligament in sudden bursts of exercise (Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998: 85).
The adaptive response of bone to biomechanical strain induced during exercise and activity is well documented (Lanyon 1992; Ruff et al. 2006). Simply put, mechanical loading, including muscular pull and torsion forces, causes long bones to become thicker during life (Martin and Burr 1989). Exercise and activity levels are important determinants of bone quality, geometry, and strength (Jones et al.1977; Ruff 2003; Tobias et al. 2007). There is a close, but imperfect, equation of bone strength with muscle strength, given that muscle size has been shown to be positively correlated with bone strength (Ruff 2005), muscle force (Folland and Williams 2007), and amount and intensity of strength-building activities (Wernbom et al. 2007).
While bone strength is measured with ever more sophisticated imaging techniques, there is a reasonable degree of correspondence between traditionally measured external long bone shaft diameters and torsional strengths, that is, ability to resist bending (Grine et al. 1995). As such, indices derived from external measurements of long bones approximately reflect bone cross-sectional areas and cortical thickness, and thus bone strength (Wescott 2006). Traditional indices of skeletal robusticity, which express the thickness of long bone shafts relative to their lengths, are the simplest approach to approximating activity related geometric changes to long bones (Pearson 2000: 570). These indices can be used as indirect indicators of muscularity and, by extension, provide information on lifestyle and muscle activity levels throughout life.
We focus here on Taotao Tagga"s humeral shaft index, HSRI-2, calculated from the sum of the shaft's minimum and maximum diaphyseal diameters at midshaft, and expressing these additive breadths as a proportion of maximum length. Comparative data for other populations (table 4.3) document the exceptional magnitude ofTaotao Tagga"s HSRI-2 index of 15.8 (figure 4.6), which appears virtually outside the range of variation for all non-Chamorro populations that have been so measured. Taotao Tagga"s index is more than one standard deviation greater than the mean for 32 of his fellow male Chamorros (14.6±1.1). Other high-index outliers in this Mariana Island sample include two individuals from Taga, Tinian (Bernice P. Bishop Museum 892 and 912), with humeral
robusticity indices of 17.8 and 15.9. Only 3 of 27 Chamorro males from Guam
had humeri with larger HSRI -2 indices than Taotao Tagga', whereas two of three
male compatriots from Taga had humeri exceeding his index value (Ishida n.d.);
Taga may have been an epicenter of Chamorro humeral hyperrobusticity.
The relative stoutness of Chamorro humeri is perhaps even more remarkable when compared to more ancient human ancestors. The HSRI-2 index of Taotao Tagga' and the mean index for Chamorro males far exceed the means for the two most robust of the fossil groups, European and Middle Eastern Neandertals (13.7±1.3) and the Epigravettian-associated Early Modern Homo sapiens from Italy (13.7±0.8). As Neandertals are characterized as having massive limb bones and being more heavily muscled than anatomically modern humans (Pearson 2000), a provisional conclusion-awaiting confirmation from further
comparative studies-is that in terms of upper body strength, Taotao Tagga' and company were among the strongest archaic or modern Homo sapiens who ever lived.
To seek corroboration for our hypothesis that OSS development and upper arm robusticity (and strength) are skeletal responses to the same suite of activities, we examined the bivariate relationship between indices of long bone robusticity and degree of development of posterior cranial superstructures in 16 Chamorro individuals with sufficiently complete skeletons. Pearson's correlation and linear regression analyses (SAS for Windows, Version 8.2) were used to express the strength and patterning of relationship between each individual's OSS summary score (Sum30SS) and long bone robusticity indices, including two humeral (HSRI-1 and HSRI-2), one femoral (FSRI), and one tibia (TSRI) index (Heathcote et aL in press).
Strength of correlation between Sum30SS and indices of upper and lower
limb robusticity is strikingly different. Sum30SS does not correlate significantly with lower limb robusticity indices for the femur and tibia (FSRI: Pearson's r = 0.31, P < .261; TSRI: r = 0.24, P < .440), but correlations with the two indices of upper arm robusticity are highly significant (HSRI-1: r = 0.66, P < .006, HSRI-2: r = 0.70, P < .003). This adds support to our contention that OSS are meaningful markers of upper body strength. The physiological connectedness of these changes is also supported by regression analysis of Sum30SS and HSRI -2, which shows a strong, positive linear relationship (R2 = 0.48, P < .004) between additive OSS expression and upper arm robusticity (figure 4.7).
Herein we have presented evidence in support of our contention that Taotao Tagga' and other hyperrobust Chamorro males manifested extraordinary upper body strength, and that such a paleophysiological profile can be inferred from posterior cranial superstructures and humeral robusticity. We have also presented support (albeit more problematic) for the hypothesis that well-developed OSS and accompanying infracranial changes in Taotao Tagga' and other (mostly male) Chamorros are related to the quarrying, masonry work, transport, and emplacement of pillars and capstones that were the infrastructure for guma' latte construction. Early eyewitness descriptions of Marianas stone working are lacking, but accounts of Tongan stone working (Beaglehole 1967;
Ferdon 1987; Spennemann 1989; Sava 1996) provide proxies for the activities (summarized in table 4.2) and technologies employed in the Marianas (Cunningham 1992; Heathcote et al. in press). Pre-European Tongans are the only other people known to have had high frequencies of OSS that were both well developed and co-occurring (Heathcote et al. 1996; Sava 1996; Heathcote et al. n. d.), suggesting that the commonalities of OSS patterning in Mariana Islanders and Tongans are due in (extragenetic) part to common occupational stressors related to coral-limestone quarrying and monument building.
The existence of a significant minority of individuals like Taotao Tagga' with codevelopment and strong expressions of OSS has important implications for
social and population structure in the Marianas. Such an uneven intrapopulation distribution is consistent with the proposition that a group of specialists
in Chamorro society, engaged in strenuous activities including stone quarry
ing and megalithic construction, were furthermore genetically predisposed to
develop such superstructures. The suggestion that there were economic specialists in protohistoric Chamorro society does not fit with the orthodox view that protohistoric Chamorro villages were essentially independent social units without much vertical stratification, and that local chiefs lacked larger regional level jurisdiction (Cordy
1986; Craib 1986; Knudson n.d.). However, a greater degree of social stratification has been suggested for Taotao Tagga"s village. The imposing House of Taga was positioned between two clusters of smaller latte sets at the Taga site, and was centrally located between two other latte settlements in Tinian. This intra-and intercommunity house patterning may reflect late protohistoric emergence of a system with a paramount chief and local chiefs, the former situated at the House of Taga (Graves 1986).
Was Taotao Tagga' primarily a builder of guma' latte, and secondarily a warrior, farmer, and fisherman? The discernment of such specific patterns of activity from related skeletal changes is outside the realm of bioarchaeological capability at present (Robb 1998). We can say with some confidence, however, that his location at Taga as opposed to other settlements increases the likelihood that Taotao Tagga' was a semispecialist involved in a restricted range of economic behaviors throughout much of his lifetime. While full-time specialists are absent in societies of foragers with informal political leadership, they are
encountered in some semisedentary horticultural societies (Ember et al. 2007: 286), and the presence of people with a narrowed range of economic activities might reasonably be expected in communities with incipient political hierarchy. Elsewhere in Micronesia, in the northern islands of Kiribati, each residential kin group traditionally included at least one specialist builder of dwelling houses, and giant meetinghouses with their stone pillars were constructed by a specialist clan of builders within each district (Hockings 1989). This suggests that specialists (or semispecialists) could also have existed in the Marianas, especially in places like Taotao Tagga"s home district.
Fine-grained reconstruction of the relative contributions of the range of activities that shaped Taotao Tagga"s body will probably always remain beyond the boundary of empirically grounded osteobiographic interpretation, but the evidence of his extraordinary upper arm robusticity and concordant OSS development bear convincing testimony that Taotao Tagga and a significant minority of other male Chamorros of his time and culture were possessed of upper body strength that proved to be the stuff of legend.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Vincent P. Diego is a staff scientist at the Department of Genetics at the Texas
Biomedical Research Institute. His doctorate is in biological anthropology, which
was initiated through the mentorship of Gary M. Heathcote when he was at the
University of Guam, and he maintains an interest in the anthropology of Pacific
Island populations, especially of the Chamorro people.
Gary M. Heathcote an adjunct associate professor of anthropology at Ball State
University. His research interests and publications include works on geographic
patterning and multiple meanings of metric and nonmetric craniofacial variation,
paleopathology, and chronic activity markers in archaeological skeletal series from
the western Pacific and circumpolar regions, and on the health-related and evolu
tionary aspects of body composition in living Pacific Islander populations.
Hajime Ishida is professor of human biology and anatomy at University of the
Ryukyus, Okinawa, Japan. He has conducted research on skeletal biology and pa
leopathology in prehistoric skeletal series from northeastern and western Asia, and
research on human genetics of East Asians.
Vincent J. Sava is a forensic anthropologist currently employed at the Joint POWI
MIA Accounting Command, Central Identification Laboratory in Hawai'i as a
quality assurance manager. He has conducted research on paleopathology, health
and disease, and occupational markers in archaeological skeletal series from the
This report was included in Chapt 4 of the publication:
Edited by Ann 1. W. Stodder and Ann M. Palkovich
Foreword by Clark Spencer Larsen
University Press of Florida
Copyright 2012 by Ann L. W. Stodder and Ann M. Palkovich
All rights reserved
A record of cataloging-in-publication data is available from the Library of Congress.
The University Press of Florida
15 Northwest 15th Street
Gainesville, FL 32611-2079
List of Figures vii
List of Tables xi
1. Osteobiography and Bioarchaeology
Ann L. W. Stodder and Ann M. Palkovich
2. The Magician: An Ancestral Hopi Leader 11
Jill E. Neitzel
3. The Axed Man of Mosfell: Skeletal Evidence of a Viking Age Homicide, the Icelandic Sagas, and Feud 26
Phillip L. Walker, Jesse Byock, Jacqueline T. Eng, Jon M. Erlandson,
Per Holck, Henry Schwarcz, and Davide Zori
4. Legendary Chamorro Strength: Skeletal Embodiment and the Boundaries of Interpretation page 44
Gary M. Heathcote, Vincent P. Diego, Hajime Ishida, and Vincent J. Sava
5. Mortuary Evidence for Maya Political Resistance and Religious Syncretism in Colonial Belize 68 Gabriel D. Wrobel
6. Social Marginalization among the Chiribaya: The Curandero ofYaral, Southern Peru 85 Maria Cecilia Lozada, Kelly F. Knudson, Rex C. Haydon, and Jane E. Buikstra
7. A Neolithic Nomad from Dakhleh Oasis 96
Jennifer 1. Thompson
8. Lesley: A Unique Bronze Age Individual from Southeastern Arabia 113
Debra L. Martin and Daniel T. Potts
9. The “African Queen”: A Portuguese Mystery 127
Mary Lucas Powell,, Della Collins Cook, Jaia M. Langley,
Susan Dale Spencer, Jennifer Raff, and Frederika Kaestle
4.1 The Mariana Archipelago in the western Pacific Ocean Page 46
4.2 Reconstruction of face and head of Taotao Tagga’ 47
4.3. The last remaining uprights from the latte set foundation of the House of Taga on Tinian 48
4.4 Locations of occipital superstructures and associated muscle attachments and photo of superstructures on the cranium of a male from the Gogna-Gun Beach site, Guam 52
4.5 Taotao Tagga’’s posterior cranium 53
4.6 Taotao Tagga’’s humeri 57
4.7 Scatterplot of the additive superstructure score and index of humeral robusticity in Chamorros from Guam and Tinian 59
4.1 Estimated stature of Taotao Tagga’ Page 51
4.2 Muscles, occipital superstructures, and latte construction 54
4.3 Humeral shaft robusticity index in males 58
Permission given by Dr. Gary Heathcote to Rudolph E. Villaverde to reconstruct this document into web format on Sept 27, 2012.